Sen. Bishop to seek protection for Gov. McCrory from rioters, even if Charlotte Observer thinks it’s a joke

Raleigh, NC – Who is Udai Basavaraj?

Lines are being crossed, and I have been holding my tongue. Yesterday, however, one of the growing series of spectacles caught my attention like no other. It was a video article posted on the Charlotte Observer’s website showing the immediate past governor of North Carolina chased by a chanting mob down a blind alley in Washington, DC on Saturday.

The 3:35 video begins with former Gov. Pat McCrory bidding goodbye to TV commentator Lou Dobbs on a city sidewalk. The mob approaches him and begins chanting and shouting, “Shame on you… You’re a bigot and an a**hole… You’re not a man, you’re a coward.”

Gov. McCrory retreats calmly in the company of three women and Mr. Dobbs down an alley to a building entrance that is locked. As they wait to be admitted, mob continues to chant, “Shame.” Just after the one minute mark, the ringleader says, “We’ve got you now.”

Two more anxious minutes pass until uniformed Secret Service officers arrive and usher the mob away. The mob turns on them, shouting, “Shame on the cops, too.”

Ubiquitous leftist rioters are fond of shouting “Shame,” but invariably incapable of it.

Charlotte Obersever VideoDitto for the Charlotte Observer. The lede of its article is the breezy observation that “[l]ife following public service isn’t always easy when you’re known as the governor who signed [HB2].” Content with this revolting dose of schadenfreude, the one-time news organization credits Udai Basavaraj for the video, as if he’s a news photographer, and links to his Facebook account. But reports nothing about him.

Not for the first time, I have done the Observer’s work for it…

Basavaraj hails from Greensboro. His Gofundme pages beg $1,000 to attend Socialism 2016 in Chicago last July and two grand for buses to take members of the International Socialist Organization to Washington to protest President Trump’s inauguration.

In September, according to student newspaper The Carolinian, Basavaraj co-led an ISO informational meeting at UNCG where “socialists, Marxists, anarchists and those interested in learning about socialism gathered.” (The story did not note whether Basavaraj summarized the benefits of socialism for, say, Venezuela for the young people in attendance.)

Basavaraj’s cohort for the meeting was Juan Miranda, a socialist organizer, UNCG graduate assistant and fellow South Meck High alum, according to his Facebook page. Basavaraj’s Facebook post tagged Miranda as a participant in the mob that pinned McCrory against a building. One also wonders if the mob fell upon the former governor by coincidence or if they stalked him.

If Gov. McCrory were a former official of the District of Columbia, this incident might have been a crime punishable by five years in prison. D.C. Code § 22-851 (anyone who “by any threatening letter or communication, intimidates, . . . or retaliates against, or attempts to intimidate . . . or retaliate against” a current or former official “on account of the performance of [his or her] duties.”)

So should it be in North Carolina. This is dangerous. Jim Hunt, Bev Purdue and other governors never faced riotous mobs in their post-service, private lives, without personal security. If they had, the Observer of that day wouldn’t have laughed it off, which is contemptible.

When the General Assembly returns to Raleigh this week, I will introduce legislation to follow the lead of the District of Columbia and make it a crime to threaten, intimidate, or retaliate against a present or former North Carolina official in the course of, or on account of, the performance of his or her duties.

And I will also urge my colleagues to take other appropriate steps to guarantee the personal safety of Gov. McCrory by all necessary means.

Because lines are being crossed.

Dan Bishop is the elected representative for District 39 of the North Carolina State Senate. For more information about Dan Bishop’s background and key policy goals, visit VoteDanBishop.com. To contact Sen. Bishop, email .

Voter Integrity Project

Voter Integrity Project of NC’s legislative goals for 2017

By by Jay DeLancy and John Pizzo

Raleigh, NC – After more than five years of research on election fraud in North Carolina, we recommend the Legislature enact a series of stand-alone bills to help restore public trust in North Carolina’s electoral process with minimal impediment to voters. Below are a “beta version” of the laws we deem prudent to fight vote fraud while maintaining reasonable public access to the ballot box. (In this document, the newly created State Board of Elections and Ethics Enforcement will be abbreviated “SBE3.” County-level boards will be called “BOE.”)

Voter Integrity Project

  1. Get the Facts About Vote Fraud. Establish an Election Integrity Commission (similar in function to the Human Rights commissions and the Civil Rights Commissions); empower it to conduct a comprehensive review of the state’s electoral and voting process, including (but not limited to) the following functions:
    1. Review all past criminal referrals from BOE for vote fraud prosecution to learn the facts and to inform the Legislature on the more obvious cases that prosecutors ignored for reasons beyond the case’s merits..
    2. Review all DMV, DHHS and DPS records to identify and investigate non-US citizen suffrage. By matching those government records with the voter rolls, the SBE3 will learn a more accurate number of non-US citizens who are active in North Carolina’s electoral process..
    3. Conduct public hearings across the state, accepting sworn evidence of suspected and actual cases of vote fraud, voter intimidation and observer abuse. Publicize these hearings enough to draw people in who witnessed such acts and who will testify to those acts under oath and to the best of their knowledge.
    4. Forward credible evidence to SBE3 Investigative Division and require SBE3 status tracking and reporting (back to Commission) on results. The current State Board of Elections has been derelict in reporting the numbers and types of criminal referrals they have made since 2013. This requirement needs to be codified, so that future election directors will recognize (and comply with) the requirement.
    5. Annually brief SBE3 and biennially brief NCGA on findings and recommendations. The Commission that studies election fraud for any length of time will learn facts that most elected officials only hear second-hand. Such facts are essential BEFORE the creation of more election laws.
    6. Allow Commissioners to serve as observers but not as paid BOE employees. Commissioners may be able to learn, first-hand, how observers get pushed around by polling officials; but putting Commissioners in paid positions (either as polling officials, County Board members, or as full-time county election employees) would bring into question the credibility of said Commissioners.
  2. Enact Passive Voter ID. Merge DMV facial imagery into electronic and printed polling books and require at least two election officials, not of the same party, to approve each voter’s imagery when registering and/or voting. These should be the color pictures that DMV takes for all forms of ID they issue. The electronic poll books would need to have the color imagery; but printed polling books could be black and white, as long as there is at least one electronic poll book on location that would have the color images. In the printed poll books, the voter’s image should be large enough (and detailed enough) that two polling officials, not of the same party, could agree that it’s the person attempting to vote. Additionally:
    1. Require any disputed or missing imagery to be allowed as provisional ballots and specify that such ballots would only be counted if either of these two conditions were met before the official canvass:
      1.  DMV becomes aware of their mistake and they correct (or updates) their record;
      2. The voter provides further evidence of their name, address and facial characteristics. A photo, taken by the polling official may be included in this provisional ballot packet, if the location is equipped with government-owned equipment (laptop or cell phone) capable of capturing such imagery.
    2. Require BOE to retain copies of any supporting evidence offered to authenticate voter’s eligibility. If no imagery capturing equipment is available at the polling location, allow 48 hours for the BOE to copy and return any documentation used by the voter. In cases of paychecks, polling officials may use personal cell phones as long as the image is shot with two witnesses, not of the same party. All such documentation (including age, citizenship status, residency, lack of felony convictions, and facial imagery) shall be scanned and kept in the voter’s record. Except for DOB and signature, all such imagery shall be publicly available for inspection and copying for off-site analysis. NCGS §163-275(13) already makes it a crime to fabricate such documents, but there is currently no way for an election official to retain the document long enough to determine it authenticity.
    3. Apply this section’s authentication rules to Same-Day Registration, address changes and to mail-in registrations who vote absentee without ever voting in-person.
    4. Assist or create a reimbursement fund for voters needing support documentation. In addition to free ID cards and free birth certificates, the state should also allow volunteers to transport such persons and (when documented) be allowed to receive mileage compensation. Lack of funds should not hamper a voter from obtaining a lawful ID card.
  3. Increase Vote Fraud Prosecution. Prosecution of vote fraud cases have been hampered (and undermined) by the fact that vote fraud is the lowest level of felony in the statutes, even a lower penalty than persons stealing pine straw, venus fly traps and ginseng.  Give District Attorneys greater latitude by increasing penalties. Also help citizens work around reluctant prosecutors by strengthening §163-278.28 for known cases of vote fraud. Specifically:
    1. Upgrade the maximum penalty for all Class I Felonies listed in NCGS §163 to Class G, making “conspiracy” to commit such crimes, a Class H felony; and “solicitation” to commit such crimes, a Class I felony.
    2. Expand plaintiff standing (§163-278.28) from “county” to “state”; allow SBE3 to select Special Prosecutor when the Superior Court orders the appointment thereof.
    3. Hold DA liable for petitioner’s legal expense if Special Prosecutor is appointed.
  4. Prevent (further) DMV Voter Registration Negligence. Reduce DMV staffing; reassign voter registration duties to newly created Election Registrar tenant billets at every DMV office and at DMV headquarters; assign Registrars’ hiring and training responsibilities to SBE3; give Registrars free access to DMV records for voter registration / verification purposes. [Note: while DMV is required, by federal law, to register voters, this agency has proven itself to be woefully incompetent in managing this task. As a result, NC is involved in litigation over their failure to transfer all registration data over to the BOE in time for the elections. They have also been documented to issue “Legal Presence” licenses to non-US citizens and then ask the same person if they want to register to vote. They need to be relieved of this job and it should be handled by trained election employees.]
  5. Enhance Citizen Voter List Maintenance. Require SBE3 to keep certain voter-related information in public view through the SBE3 website. Specifically:
    1. Enhance public website: allow voter search by entire street name and / or by specific house number and street; eliminate first-letter requirement in wildcard searches. The current State BOE has made it more difficult to locate prospective fraudulent voters (in the name of “privacy”) and has actively resisted requests to enable address searches, similar to the function VIP created on a public website. If voters could clearly determine the names of all other voters registered at their address and report when such a person no longer lives at that address, the state would save tens of thousands of dollars, spent sending mail to voters who no longer exist at that address. It would also enable the removal of voters fraudulently registering fictional voters to addresses at which they do not reside, a crime that has been documented as being committed by groups like ACORN and NCPIRG.
    2. Expand the definition of “prima facie evidence,” [§163-85(3)] to include affidavits from a resident, neighbor or property owner who claims such a voter does not reside at the voter’s stated address. Allow a statement from the owner of a property to suffice in allowing the local BOE to remove non-residents from the voter rolls. The usual laws against frivolously challenging a voter still applies.
    3. Retain and make public any evidence used by potential jurors disqualified for duty, per NCGS §9-3, to include the prospective juror’s name, address, age and reason DQ’d. (This is a resurrection of HB 100 from the 2015-2016 legislative session.)
  6. Mandate Interagency Cooperation. Require Clerks of Court to report all felony convictions and submit copies of undeliverable jury summons envelopes to BOE; require BOE to initiate confirmation process for any voters identified herein. Various county agencies get official mail returned to them as undeliverable, and this information could have an impact on the voter rolls. Currently, nobody is required to crosscheck that information with the BOE. This law would address that deficiency. Any such evidence should be treated as a piece of returned mail that was sent by the BOE and it should trigger a “confirmation” (and not a “verification”) mailing from the BOE.
  7. Confirm Domiciliary Abandonment.  Require Register of Deeds to report all death certificates issued and all deed transfers to the BOE; require BOE to initiate voter confirmation process for all deed grantors; create an optional form for voters to use at real estate closings that will inform local BOE of the seller’s future domiciliary intent. (Note: Current, but less efficient, law on felon and deceased voter list maintenance should remain in force, to help identify voters convicted—or who may have died—in another county.) This provision mirrors the above suggested reform, but applies it to another county agency.
  8. Maintain Accurate Voter Rolls. Require all NC colleges that receive state funding of any type (including tuition assistance grants) to assist election officials in voter list maintenance duties by reporting all students’ academic status, residence-hall (or off-campus) address and permanent home address, within the first month after start of each Fall and Spring semester; merge student’s home and campus records; expand law’s ban on non-residential registrations to include, ambiguous apartment addresses, campus post offices and US Post Offices. Colleges and universities are the primary culprit of providing non-residential addresses to election officials, but individual voters are also responsible. it is already against the law to use a non-residential address for voting purposes, but the proscription is toothless. Using a non-residential address should ALSO be a prima facie reason an election board should remove the voter from the rolls. NCGS §163-57(1)a says a person votes from “where he lays his head.”
  9. Enact Active Voter Registration. Just as several states require in email list confirmations, hold all new (and same-day) voter registrations in abeyance until the voter signs and returns a confirmation letter (at no expense to the voter); require BOE to remove any new voter registrations that are not confirmed in this manner and report mismatches to SBE3. Abolish the “verification” process, whereby a voter may throw away a letter from the BOE in order to be deemed “verified” as living at an address. Instead, require all new (or relocated) voters to sign a form and return it, at no cost to the voter, in order for the registration (or relocation) to be valid. Further, require election officials to compare the signed document with the original registration and report any anomalies to the BOE for criminal referral. Registering to vote should at least be as secure as it is to be added to some organization’s email list. Many states already require a “double-click” process, whereby the person wanting to be added to an email list must click a confirmation email, sent after the person requests being added. Registering to vote should also be this secure.

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The Voter Integrity Project of NC was founded in 2011 by Jay DeLancy and John Pizzo. Their mission was to ensure free and fair elections to all lawfully registered voters. Mr. Pizzo has more than 30 years private industry experience in the discipline of of quality engineering and holds a Six Sigma Black Belt. Mr. DeLancy is a retired Air Force Lieutenant Colonel, with military experience in both conventional and nuclear operations with advanced degree work in journalism, business and political communication. His past teaching assignments include Park College (KS), Bluefield College (VA), Tidewater Community College (VA), Liberty University, NC State University and Duke University,

North Carolina Governor Roy Cooper

Governor Roy Cooper’s first cabinet picks controversial

by and Francis De Luca

Raleigh, NC – Governor Roy Cooper’s decision to wait to announce his cabinet appointments until after his swearing in is highly unusual as reported in this recent Civitas article. In the article, Francis De Luca pointed out that just days before Cooper was sworn into office, he had “yet to announce any of the cabinet or high level administrative officials needed to run a government.”

North Carolina Governor Roy Cooper

North Carolina Governor Roy Cooper

Yesterday, three days after being sworn-in to office, Cooper was quoted as saying; “We’re hitting the ground running by making sure veteran managers are in place across state agencies,” then he announced only two of his ten cabinet nominees. Up until January 3rd he even refused to name the interim heads of the agencies after firing the previous agency heads midnight New Year’s eve.

As he makes these announcements, you can start to see why he delayed. His choices are sure to be controversial and to bring criticism and anger from many of those who voted for him.

The first of his cabinet appointments, Michael Regan, was named as nominee for Secretary of the Department of Environmental Quality. With this appointment Cooper signals his allegiance to the most radical elements of the environmental movement.

Until recently, Regan was a Senior Official of the radical Environmental Defense Fund (EDF). He served with the EDF since 2008 and his most recent position was as Associate Vice President, U.S. Climate and Energy & Southeast Regional Director.

EDF is a mega non-profit with reported assets over $204 million in 2015 with an agenda that rivals the most radical of environmental groups. Fully supporting President Obama’s climate agenda that included his War on Coal (an effort to shut down all coal-fired power plants) EDF ran political ads against Republican senators in 2013.

More important is the role Regan and the EDF had with Blueprint NC, the liberal umbrella organization that is known for producing and releasing a 2013 strategy memo that described a game plan for progressive groups to use to attack (by “crippling”) the newly elected Republican governor and leaders in the Republican-majority House and Senate.  The memo directed its members to “eviscerate, mitigate, litigate, cogitate and agitate” the state’s Republican leadership.

The members of Blueprint waged a four-year war on McCrory and the Republican legislature. Their ultimate aim was to capture political control of North Carolina and advance their radical progressive agenda.

Before EDF, Regan worked for the EPA for ten years. The EPA and EDF work together to advance the radical environmentalist agenda. They cooperated with groups like the Natural Resources Defense Council in what is known as “Sue and Settle” agreements. Radical environmentalist like the NRDC would sue the EPA and progressive government employees would settle out of court and pay the legal costs and do what the NRDC wanted. No new laws needed!

The combination of these two powerful entities is not lost on political operatives. According to the U.S. Senate Committee on Environment and Public Works Minority Staff Report (July 30, 2014):

“Under President Obama, EPA has given more than $27 million in taxpayer-funded grants to major environmental groups. Notably, the Natural Resources Defense Council and Environmental Defense Fund – two key activist groups with significant ties to senior EPA officials – have collected more than $1 million in funding each. (Pg. 34)”

If Cooper was looking for a very well-connected player in the worldwide radical environmental movement – he found him in Michael Regan.

Governor Cooper’s second controversial appointment was Jim Trogdon as North Carolina Department of Transportation (DOT) Secretary. While much of Trogdon’s experience is within DOT (he retired as the department’s COO in 2013), the appointment might be viewed as a “finger in the eye” to the I-77 toll road opponents.

The I-77 toll road was a major factor in the 2016 Gubernatorial campaign. While former Governor McCrory attempted to ignore the controversy, Roy Cooper indicated that he sided with the opponents.

WSOC TV reports that after Trogdon left NC DOT in 2013 he went to work for Atkins. WSOC TV reports:“Atkins is an engineering firm that works with P3 projects– public and private partnerships to build things like toll lanes.”

WSOC also reported that while serving with Atkins, Trogdon penned an article called “To Toll or Not To Toll.”

“Tolling appears superior to all other options,” Trogdon argues. “Degraded trip reliability, congestion and lost productivity appear more costly than tolls. In short, tolling proved beneficial to those who value their time.”

In light of the Trogdon appointment, Cooper has said that his opinion of the I-77 toll road hasn’t changed. Many political observers attribute Cooper’s victory to the damage done to McCrory in the I-77 toll road corridor. McCrory finished over 30k votes behind other GOP candidates in the precincts most impacted.

The North Carolina Cabinet is made up of unelected heads of the executive departments of the North Carolina government appointed by the governor. The departments include Administration, Commerce, Environmental Quality, Health and Human Services, Information Technology, Military and Veterans Affairs, Natural and Cultural Resources, Public Safety, Revenue and Transportation.

During the recent special legislative session, the North Carolina General Assembly added a provision to state law that Cabinet appointments require the advice and consent of the North Carolina State Senate.

Courtesy of Civitas Institute

Phil Berger

The facts being covered up by the press

by Phil Berger

Phil BergerRaleigh, NC – Below is some very important background and historical context we’ve shared with members of the North Carolina and national press about legislation being considered in this week. Unfortunately, the vast majority of media outlets have chosen to ignore these hard facts because they do not fit the narrative that sells newspapers or TV advertisements. Overt media bias and an unwillingness to tell both sides of the story is precisely the reason why so many Americans no longer have faith in the mainstream media.
Confirmation of Cabinet Secretaries
Article III, Section 5 of the North Carolina Constitution states: the Governor shall nominate and by and with the advice and consent of a majority of the Senators appoint all officers whose appointments are not otherwise provided for.
Full Appellate Court Panel Review
We are adopting the same standard used by our federal judicial system to allow cases to be heard “en banc” – by the full state Court of Appeals. This bipartisan idea – which was championed by Gov.-elect Roy Cooper in 1999 and high-ranking Democrat senators in 2001 and 2005 – will ensure at least one full appellate court can review trial court decisions in North Carolina.
Employee Status
We recognize Roy Cooper is our state’s next governor and has the right to hire his own staff. That’s why we’ve authorized 400+ positions he can fill with whoever he wants. But the changes to how state government operates that were desperately needed in 2012 are no longer needed now. When Gov. McCrory took office, he inherited a Department of Health and Human Services with massive Medicaid shortfalls. He inherited a Division of Employment Security that owed more than $2.5 billion to the federal government. And he inherited a bloated bureaucracy whose lack of fiscal discipline contributed to the outrageous $2.5 billion budget shortfall legislative Republicans were saddled with.
In contrast, under Gov. McCrory’s reformed executive branch, North Carolina is thriving. Our economy is booming. We have budget surpluses not shortfalls. Our debt to the federal government is paid off. Our Medicaid system is finally operating within budget. And North Carolina is consistently listed at the top of many national rankings. So, why does it make sense to enable the mass political firing of people who have been doing a wonderful job for the state?
Restoring Administrative Authority to the State Superintendent
We are restoring the State Superintendent of Public Instruction’s authority – stripped away by Roy Cooper and his fellow Democrats – to make staffing decisions as the elected head of the Department of Public Instruction. (Article IX, Section 4 of the North Carolina Constitution establishes that the Superintendent of Public Instruction is the secretary and Chief Administrative Officer of the State Board of Education.)
Board of Trustees at UNC Institutions Appointed by Legislature
The North Carolina Constitution (Article IX, Section 8) is crystal clear on this issue:
The General Assembly shall maintain a public system of higher education, comprising The University of North Carolina and such other institutions of higher education as the General Assembly may deem wise. The General Assembly shall provide for the selection of trustees of The University of North Carolina and of the other institutions of higher education, in whom shall be vested all the privileges, rights, franchises, and endowments heretofore granted to or conferred upon the trustees of these institutions. The General Assembly may enact laws necessary and expedient for the maintenance and management of The University of North Carolina and the other public institutions of higher education.
State Ethics and Elections Enforcement Board
We are restructuring the State Board of Elections, Lobbying Compliance Division of the N.C. Secretary of State’s office, and N.C. Ethics Commission into a consolidated State Ethics and Elections Enforcement Board with an even split in partisan membership. This board will be responsible for oversight of campaign finance, lobbying and ethics investigations, ensuring that similar functions are regulated by the same agency and helping avoid situations where separate entities issue conflicting interpretations of the law. It follows the model of the Federal Elections Commission and the current model of the State Ethics Commission by requiring the board’s eight members to be evenly divided between Republicans and Democrats, and by requiring at least six votes for an official action.
Clarifying General Assembly’s Authority to Draw Congressional and Legislative Maps
Our state constitution gives the General Assembly alone the authority to draw congressional and legislative districts. If a constitutional violation is alleged, then the courts can step in and order a remedy.
Partisan Appellate Court Elections
One of the easiest ways for voters to identify who shares their philosophies on the role of the judiciary is through partisan affiliation. This is a much better way for voters to select candidates in lower profile races than by relying on name ID and ballot order. That’s why this bill creates partisan elections for state Courts of Appeals and Supreme Court candidates.
Even the liberal tabloid INDY Week highlighted the problem with our current system, noting that a newly-elected Supreme Court Justice may have won “because conservative voters, knowing little to nothing about these candidates but having seen Republican judges on top elsewhere on the ballot, assumed [he] was a Republican.”
Historical Context on changes to N.C. state government following previous elections
Below are key events from Gov.-elect Cooper’s tenure as a former state senator to keep in mind when considering his feedback on recently proposed policy changes in North Carolina:
· 1995 laws supported by Sen. Cooper stripping away the State Superintendent of Public Instruction’s authority: http://www.ncleg.net/Sessions/1995/Bills/House/PDF/H7v4.pdf,
· 1999 bill sponsored by Majority Leader Cooper creating an ‘en banc’/full appellate court review procedure: http://www.ncleg.net/gascripts/BillLookUp/BillLookUp.pl?Session=1999&BillID=sb800&submitButton=Go
· Gov.-elect Cooper was in the legislature when it stripped Lt. Gov. Jim Gardner of most of his authority. What were his thoughts on that change?
· Gov.-elect Cooper’s support for packing the appellate court in 2000 has been well-documented.
· What are Gov.-elect Cooper’s thoughts on his self-described mentor, former Gov. Jim Hunt, demanding scores of resignations before he was even sworn in to his first term, which is now referred to as the ‘Christmas Massacre?’ Does Gov.-elect Cooper plan to follow in his mentor’s footsteps?
· Given that Gov.-elect Cooper has stated on the record his intention to emulate President Obama and circumvent the legislative process by governing through rule-making and executive orders, why is he surprised the legislature is taking steps to protect its constitutional authority?
Past actions are often predictors of future actions, and Gov.-elect Cooper has done nothing to give the expectation that he will behave any differently in his new role.

Liberal college towns? Tell us something we don’t know

by

This week’s Chronicle of Higher Education offers more evidence to substantiate the assertion that big college towns are largely populated by liberals.  Not that we needed any.

Franklin Street in downtown Chapel Hill, NC. (photo by Gene Galin)

Franklin Street in downtown Chapel Hill, NC. (photo by Gene Galin)

In an analysis of last week’s election results., Chronicle editors write (subscription may be required):

…[C]ounties that are home to public flagship universities, only nine favored Donald J. Trump over Hillary Clinton, according to a Chronicle analysis of voting data. In the 49 counties included in the analysis, Mrs. Clinton beat Mr. Trump, on average, by about 18 percentage points. In counties with a public flagship, the percentage of voters favoring Mrs. Clinton was 11 points, on average, higher than her statewide percentage.

Alaska was excluded from the analysis because it does not have county-level election data from the 2016 presidential election. Some states have more than one campus that serves a flagship role; to keep the analysis simple, we selected only one from each of the other 49 states.

Among the places with large disparities between the vote in counties with flagships and the rest of the state was the home of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, Orange County. There, Mrs. Clinton received 74 percent of the county-level vote, even though she lost the state overall, winning 46.7 percent of the vote.

And in some cases, while states may have swung toward the Republicans since the 2012 election, the counties with flagship universities swung the other direction. Mr. Trump improved on Mitt Romney’s Republican win in North Carolina, for instance, carrying the state by 3.8 points, compared to Mr. Romney’s 2.2-point victory. At the same time, Orange County voted even more solidly Democratic than it did four years earlier.

Shouldn’t our universities reflect our larger communities?  In North Carolina  — and elsewhere — that looks like that’s not the case.

So much for all that talk about diversity and inclusivity.